{"id":29258,"date":"2018-02-20T21:43:42","date_gmt":"2018-02-20T19:43:42","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/norkhosq.net\/?p=29258"},"modified":"2018-02-20T21:59:38","modified_gmt":"2018-02-20T19:59:38","slug":"erdogan-wants-to-challenge-the-lausanne-treaty-let%e2%80%99s-take-a-look","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/?p=29258","title":{"rendered":"Erdogan Wants to Challenge the Lausanne Treaty? Let\u2019s Take a Look"},"content":{"rendered":"<div>\n<div><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft\" style=\"margin-left: 5px; margin-right: 5px;\" src=\"https:\/\/mirrorspectator.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/Kalfayan.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"160\" height=\"240\" \/>By Philippe Raffi Kalfayan&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Observers were surprised when President Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan  questioned the fair application of the Lausanne Treaty recently. In a  visit to Athens in December, he asked for its revision, claiming that  \u201cthe Muslim minorities on the Greek border of Western Thrace were not  able to choose their own chief <em>mufti<\/em>, while the Christian  communities in Turkey enjoyed greater freedom when choosing their  Patriarch.\u201d Previously, he had declared that Lausanne was not such a  great victory, because Turkey had to give away some [now Greek] islands.  Meanwhile, he praised the Lausanne Treaty as the result of the first  victory for the independence of Turkey.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The reaction of the CHP [Republican Kemalist Party] was prompt,  condemning those comments, recalling that the Lausanne Treaty is the  title deed of the Republic of Turkey.<!--more--><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">We should take a closer look at that treaty, especially the  conditions in which the treaty was concluded, its consequences for  Armenians inside or outside the country, and how it has been applied so  far by Turkey.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>A Diplomatic and Moral Defeat of Western Allies; A Legal Nightmare for Armenians<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">In the Treaty of S\u00e8vres, Turkey recognized an independent  Armenia. It admitted to the massacres and agreed to deliver those  responsible for the massacres committed on Turkish soil to the Allied  Powers with the latter having the authority to establish tribunals and  conduct criminal trials. Further, Turkey agreed to a new system of  Capitulations, which protected the Allied Powers and their nationals  from Turkish courts. The Treaty of S\u00e8vres also established duties on  Turkey to protect minorities. The Allied Powers signing the Treaty of  S\u00e8vres were the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan. Armenia was  among the Principal Allied Powers and could present its memorandums and  claims.<\/p>\n<div>\n<div>\n<div>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The promises of the Treaty of  S\u00e8vres were short-lived as Turkey failed to ratify the treaty. The rise  of the nationalist movement under Mustafa Kemal (later \u201cAtaturk\u201d)  changed the dynamics within Turkey. On the ground, the war between  Turkey and Armenia and the subsequent agreements between Turkey and  Russia led to the non-ratification of the S\u00e8vres Treaty by Turkey.  Moreover, the unstable situation of Armenia\u2019s frontiers and of its  domestic politics made the Council of the League of Nations refuse  Armenia as a member of the League.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">In the meantime, the Allied Powers lost focus and cohesion and  signed bilateral agreements with the Government of Angora. On July 24,  1923, about three years after signing the Treaty of S\u00e8vres, Turkey and  the Allied Powers signed the Treaty of Lausanne which established the  boundaries of Turkey largely as they exist today. The parties to that  treaty were Turkey, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan, Greece,  Romania, and the Serb-Croat-Slovene State.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Despite the coordinated efforts of Lord Curzon [UK], the promised  homeland and justice for Armenians totally disappeared from the treaty  terms. No Armenian delegation was accepted into the discussions.  However, two delegations [the Paris Delegation and Republic of Armenia]  came and presented their claims.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Even before the Turkish delegation joined the conference, the  Turkish Cabinet approved a three-page brief consisting of 14 items,  where the first item, related to the eastern frontiers, stressed: \u201cthere  can be no \u2018Armenian Homeland\u2019; if the question comes up, the  negotiations shall be terminated.\u201d Although the Armenian Homeland gave  rise to heated debates, the Turkish delegation, headed by Ismet Pasha  [later \u201cInonu\u201d], stood inflexible and the Allies gave away.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Noticeably, the United States of America recalled particularly  the official guarantees given by the Powers and by the League of Nations  for the establishment of an Armenian homeland. The United States Senate  refused to give its consent to the Treaty of Lausanne as the treaty  failed to provide justice for the Armenians.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Almost 100 years later, Turkey plays the same scenario of  blackmail to its advantage. The promises made to the Kurds for the  establishment of a homeland are sacrificed for geopolitical interests:  the US ones in the context of the new Cold War with Russia and of  Europeans\u2019 protective politics; Turkey supposedly containing flows of  migrants.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Lausanne: \u2018Protection of Minorities\u2019 or \u00e0 la carte Violation of Minorities\u2019 Rights<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Unlike the Treaty of S\u00e8vres, no reference was made in the Treaty  of Lausanne to the Armenians, to the massacres and deportations or to  the means by which perpetrators of those crimes would be held  accountable. The Treaty of Lausanne imposed duties on Turkey regarding  its minorities, defined in an ad hoc section of the Treaty as  non-Muslims. Article 37 indicates that \u201cTurkey undertakes that the  stipulations contained in articles 38 to 44 shall be recognized as  fundamental laws and that no law, regulation nor official action shall  conflict or interfere with them or prevail over them.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Since the treaty is international, there is no incompatibility  with the 2004 Constitution, where it stated that \u201cinternational treaties  on fundamental rights have precedence over national laws treating the  same subject.\u201d After the coup in 1982, the constitution imposed by the  military regime was in clear violation of the treaty, because it  proscribed the use of languages other than Turkish.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The first violations of the treaty occurred as soon as 1926 with  regard to positive rights, such as religious marriage ceremonies . In  order to protect itself, the Turkish state asked that non-Moslem  minorities give up their rights and agree to civil marriages before the  church or synagogue ceremonies. The Armenians waived their rights under  article 42 by a letter on January 3, 1926 (a decision taken by an  Extraordinary General Assembly composed of the Patriarchate locum  tenens, the religious and secular members of the Council, and the  \u201crepresentatives of the Nation\u201d), where \u201ctheir commitment to the  Republican Government and the hope to earn back the confidence they were  having before\u201d were the grounds for their decision. The Jewish  community leadership did the same. As for the Greeks, Greece lodged a  complaint in September 1926 with the League of Nations claiming that the  provisions of the Treaty were not being observed.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Under article 40 of the Treaty, the Turkish nationals belonging  to non-Muslim minorities \u201cshall have an equal right to establish, manage  and control at their own expense, any charitable, religious and social  institutions, any schools and other establishments for instruction and  education (\u2026).\u201d The Turkish government never stopped interfering in the  affairs of the Patriarchate: this is true those days (Istanbul  Governor\u2019s Office cancelled the election of Karekin Bekjian, who was  unanimously elected last year). Back in 1932, the Turkish Government  even prevented the Istanbul Patriarchate delegate from taking part to  the election of Catholicos in Echmiadzin.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The current violation of Armenian minority rights to elect their  patriarch sheds light on Turkish President Erdogan\u2019s remarks about the  non-respect of Moslem minorities\u2019 rights in Greece. Erdogan picks on a  non-existent violation in Greece in order to retaliate against the  Treaty in Turkey. Indeed, article 45 of the Treaty provides reciprocity  as for the protection of minorities: \u201cthe rights conferred\u2026on the  non-Moslem minorities in Turkey will be similarly conferred by Greece on  the Moslem minority in their territory.\u201d<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>The Instrument for Final Plundering of Armenian Properties<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The surrender of the Allied Powers in Lausanne was total and had an even worse outcome on Armenians\u2019 rights.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Despite the claims submitted to the League in the 1920s and 1930s  demanding restitution for properties and citizenships \u2013 the most vocal  and organized claims were filed by Levon Pachalian (Paris) and Ohannes  Essayan (Athens) \u2014 neither succeeded. The official line was that all  Armenians who had left the country before or during the war were  considered \u201cfugitives\u201d and \u201cguilty\u201d and thus could not be protected by  the Treaty.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The Law on \u201cAbandoned Properties\u201d (April 20, 1922) deprived all  those \u201cfugitives\u201d from their properties. In addition, Turkey allegedly  declared during the Lausanne conference (on July 17, 1923) its privilege  to consider the right to return in Turkey to those nationals, who have  left the country before [the War] and who will not present  inconveniences; all others being deprived of their nationality. On June  8, 1929, Turkey completed its legislative arsenal by withdrawing the  competence of Turkish civil law tribunals for admitting and reviewing  cases related to \u201cabandoned properties.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The legal opinion drafted in 1929 by four internationally  renowned consultants did not change that situation. Some individuals,  such as Mrs. Nektar Duz, repeatedly filed a very well argued claim on  her father\u2019s properties. It unsuccessfully continued until 1938, though  she was not considered a \u201cfugitive.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Thanks to this extremely despicable trick, Armenian survivors of  the Genocide were turned into fugitives, since they allegedly escaped  the country at a time they should have been at the side of Turkish  people, fighting for its existence.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Political and Legal Perspectives of Challenging the Lausanne Treaty<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">An international treaty is a primary source of international law  and challenging it would be rather difficult, although this treaty is  built on a complete abstraction of International Wrongful Acts (massive  and systematic massacres, enforced deportations and disappearances,  stolen properties, enforced Turkification and conversion to Islam) in  the meaning of the Law on State responsibility. By surrendering to  Turkey\u2019s blackmail in 1923, the Allied Powers are to be held accountable  for the prejudice and harms caused to the Armenian Nation by the  content of that Treaty since they betrayed their commitments of S\u00e8vres.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The acts perpetrated in 1915-1923 were undeniably prohibited by  the Treaty of Berlin (1878) and the Laws and Customs of War of Hague  Convention (1899) and thus were wrongful acts. Thus it follows that the  laws depriving the victims or their heirs from their citizenship and  properties consequent to the enforced deportation are unlawful.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">A second avenue is legally challenging the treaty\u2019s application  toward Armenians. Turkey consented that \u201cany difference of opinion as to  questions of law or of fact arising out of these Articles\u201d between  Turkey, another party to the Treaty of Lausanne, and any other power  that is a member of the Council \u201cshall be held to be a dispute of an  international character under Article 14.\u201d Turkey then consented to have  such a dispute referred to the Permanent Court of International Justice  (PCIJ), the interstate court of the League.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The United Nations (UN) determined their role as to the minority  treaties, including the Treaty of Lausanne. It is established that the  UN assumed the role of the League of Nations under the treaties, even  though it is \u201cnot legally the successor\u201d of the League.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The next question relates to the state that could bring the  claim. Consistent with Article 44 of the Treaty of Lausanne, the United  Kingdom, France, Italy, Japan, Greece, Romania, and the  Serb-Croat-Slovene State (its successors Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia),  as parties to the Treaty, could lodge a claim against Turkey in the  ICJ, successor of PCIJ in the UN system.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Members of the Security Council, especially the US, due to its  stance at the time of the Treaty, would be ideal candidates to challenge  the unfair application of the Treaty. This perspective would of course  imply a revision of the current Armenian foreign policy and objectives.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The third question concerns the merits of the claim. At first, it  would appear that what happened in Turkey in 1915-16 would not be  relevant to the Treaty. Yet, a number of possible acts constitute a  continuation of the Genocide that could fit within a violation of the  Treaty\u2019s minority protection measures: the Armenian women and girls who  endured sexual violence, were forced into marriages, and also forced to  convert to Islam; Armenians in Turkey that hide their Armenian identity  up to this day. Perceived threats and insecurity due to being Armenian  have caused them to deny their religion, which is at odds with the  protection of freedom of religion under Article 38 of the Treaty; Acts  of deportations and banishment of Armenians that occurred after the  Treaty; the removal in the summer of 1929 of 30,000 Armenians from  Harput, Diyarbekir and Mardin; Discriminatory tax revenues in 1942, etc.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">No case was ever filed by a State before the PCIJ to seek  enforcement of the minority protections in the Treaty. Any claim under  the Treaty would face formidable obstacles due to the elapsed time and  to the political consequences.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The perspective of revising the Lausanne Treaty is then quite  tempting and Erdogan\u2019s statement laudable, especially in the context of  high tensions in the region. The scenario of geopolitical changes is not  so unrealistic, and Armenians should anticipate them.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Nevertheless, the case would not be a substitute for a formal  claim against Turkey for reparations due to the Genocide. Although never  ratified, S\u00e8vres Treaty contains provisions that may have legal effects  if Armenians decide to invoke them today.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">(Philippe Raffi Kalfayan is a regular columnist for the  Mirror-Spectator. He is an international legal expert, the former  secretary general of the International Federation for Human Rights  (FIDH), an associate researcher at the Paris Human Rights Center at the  University of Paris 2 Pantheon Assas.)<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><a href=\"https:\/\/mirrorspectator.com\/2018\/02\/15\/erdogan-wants-challenge-lausanne-treaty-lets-take-look\/\" target=\"_blank\">https:\/\/mirrorspectator.com<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By Philippe Raffi Kalfayan&nbsp; Observers were surprised when President Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan questioned the fair application of the Lausanne Treaty recently. In a visit to Athens in December, he asked&hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-29258","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29258","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=29258"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29258\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":29260,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29258\/revisions\/29260"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=29258"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=29258"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=29258"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}