{"id":29293,"date":"2018-03-19T20:04:33","date_gmt":"2018-03-19T18:04:33","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/norkhosq.net\/?p=29293"},"modified":"2018-03-19T20:04:33","modified_gmt":"2018-03-19T18:04:33","slug":"new-constitution-the-promised-democracy-is-yet-another-defeat","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/?p=29293","title":{"rendered":"New Constitution: The Promised Democracy Is Yet another Defeat"},"content":{"rendered":"<div>\n<div>\n<p><strong><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft\" style=\"margin-left: 5px; margin-right: 5px;\" src=\"https:\/\/mirrorspectator.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/Kalfayan.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"158\" height=\"237\" \/>By Philippe Raffi Kalfayan<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Recent news from Armenia is rather distressing. We witnessed the  selection of a single candidate and his election as President of the  Republic of Armenia by the sole will of the Prince. Choosing the prime  minister will take place only after April 9, when the current  president\u2019s term will end, and Parliament will have eight days to  propose candidates and elect one. Already, the Republican Party of  Armenia (RPA) has announced that it supports the principle of an open  and nominal ballot, which is a considerable means of pressure on the  deputies. The votes of the Republican Party and those of its ally, the  Dashnak Party, form a majority at the Parliament and that leaves little  doubt about their candidate\u2019s election. In the run-up to joining the  coalition, the ARF insisted on the necessity to reform the constitution  and strengthen democratic governance through transition from a  semi-presidential regime to a parliamentary one. The present scenario  comes to prove that democracy has once more been defeated. In addition,  it perpetuates the contempt against the citizens, weakens the image of  Armenia on the international arena, and weakens its leaders, including  the new president, domestically and abroad.<!--more--><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>A president with a considerably affected legitimacy<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The Minister of Justice, who led all the legislative drafting  efforts to comply with the new constitution, says Armenia considers  credible the statement of President-elect Armen Sarkissian that he  renounced his British citizenship in 2011 and adds that no further  confirmation would be needed, in any case, from another country because  Armenia is a sovereign state. This statement is not only an affront to  the good sense of the whole Armenian nation, it is also characteristic  of the opacity of political life in Armenia, and it is, above all, a  thinly-veiled admission that the elected president does not satisfy one  of the requirements of the new Constitution: to have been a citizen only  of the Republic of Armenia for the last six years. A quick analysis  supports that assertion: (1) in 2011, it is unlikely that Armen  Sarkissian could foresee that the new Constitution would be adopted in  2015 and that it would be chosen by President Serzh Sargsyan in 2017;  (2) who can believe for a moment that he renounced his British  citizenship in 2011 and convinced Prince Charles to visit Armenia in  2013, a chain of events that would have been shocking to say the least  for the British Crown? (3) Having lived in Britain for the last 30 years  (with the exception of the period when he was Prime Minister), he is  likely to return to live in the UK sooner or later.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">A coalition of NGO\u2019s also reacted on March 5 to the news about  the failure of new president \u201cto dispel the doubts about his  citizenship\u201d (Read Transparency statement).<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Lawyer Vah\u00e9 Grigoryan supports a more daring analysis, which  relates to the process of electing the new president (see  http:\/\/www.ilur.am\/news\/view\/66500.html; http:\/\/www.ilur.am  \/news\/view\/66627.html; http:\/\/www.ilur.am\/news\/view\/66818.html). He  considers that the new Constitution is not yet in force, and that  consequently the election of the President should have been in  accordance with the terms of the 2005 Constitution, namely by the direct  vote of the population, and not by not by Parliament, which would have  exceeded its constitutional powers as defined in 2005.<\/p>\n<div>\n<div>\n<div>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Whatever the angle of analysis,  and whatever his personal qualifications and skills, which are not in  question, the new president starts his mandate with a handicap: an  illegitimate election. Moreover, Britain\u2019s diplomatic silence on the  status of his citizenship can become a weapon that can be used against  him. Domestically it can reduce his ability to manoeuver compared to his  predecessors while internationally, in terms of foreign policy, it  poses an even bigger threat.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Sovereignty for the People, not the State<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Despite the continuously alarming diagnosis that has been  repeated throughout the last 25 years of the Third Republic of Armenia,  the population hemorrhage continues and endangers the foundations of the  state. In the wake of constitutional reforms adopted in December 2015,  the distressing spectacle of the election of a single candidate for the  presidency, under questionable eligibility conditions, by the Armenian  Parliament, the concentration of all executive and legislative powers in  the hands of the future prime minister, the hidden control of the  judiciary. For example, is it conceivable in a lawful state for an  attorney, a member of the Bar Council, to be a partner in a company with  a High Magistrate of the Court of Cassation and a Bankruptcy Judge?  Lawyers defending political prisoners are caught between multiple  disciplinary measures instituted by their Chamber\u2019s President and the  new law that allows judges to directly sanction lawyers, making the  performance of their duties all the more challenging economic and  technical wise, with the aim of discouraging them. The overwhelmingly  harsh treatment of the most radical political opponents, such as the  members of the Founding Parliament, manifests the political sickness of  Armenia. The propaganda of Armenian organizations and media in diaspora  cannot change this cruel reality.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The disregard for the citizens is total: the economic and social  conditions are such for the vast majority that everything is for sale,  including the ballot papers, whether on national elections [see the  Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) reports for  the last legislative elections and Public Forum Armenia (PFA) report for  the constitutional referendum of December 2015 or on professional [the  website of the Bar of Armenia mentions the financing by an Armenian  sponsor of the diaspora of annual fees of hundreds of registered  lawyers; this measure is unbecoming of a lawyer because it is an attack  on his independence and on the very foundations of the profession. In  countries where lawyers cannot fund their fees, the bar grants  exemptions] or partisan elections. The clientelism in such a social  environment is another form of contempt for human conscience.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The state of war with Azerbaijan and the aggressive and hateful  behavior of the latter towards Armenia seems to be an effective argument  to silence the diaspora on the domestic political life by brandishing  its threat to national security, but it no longer interferes with the  families\u2019 willingness to leave the country and protect their children as  they approach the age of conscription.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The famous French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the  Citizen of 1789 noted in its preamble that \u201cignorance, oblivion, or  contempt for human rights are the only cause of public misfortune and of  government corruption.\u201d It was not until 1948 and the Universal  Declaration of Human Rights that the community of states, through the  United Nations, established conventions and international pacts. They  have become essential legal and political instruments. They are the  foundation of the rule of law. The state is recognized as the legally  obliged subject and guarantor of their implementation, but the universal  principles belong to the citizens and become weapons against the abuses  of those who hold the powers.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">It is worth remembering, as does the Constitution of the United  States of America, that the people are sovereign and not the state: \u201cWe  the People of the United States \u2026 do ordain and establish this  Constitution for \u2026\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The Universal Declaration went further and gave birth to the  right to rebellion. The preamble \u201cconsiders it is essential, if man is  not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion  against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by  the rule of law\u201d.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Virtuous Yet Flawed UN Discourse<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The absence of democracy and respect for human rights refers to a  certain form of structuring and formation of the state, which reflects  the balance of forces and the assertion of arbitrariness.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The temptation of relativisation with Turkey and Azerbaijan in  terms of human rights records is easy but not acceptable because the  issue at stake is neither more nor less than the political survival of  the country and its security. Some denounce human rights as a weapon  used by Western states and international NGOs, and complain that there  are double standards. There are many both in Armenia and in the Diaspora  who regard human rights as superfluous and prefer a priority focus on  economic development. The first statement contains some truth and is  debatable, but is this the essential? The second statement shows an  unawareness that economic, social and cultural rights are \u201cinseparable,  interdependent, and interrelated\u201d with civil and political rights. The  World Conference on Human Rights in 1993 enshrined this principle.  Thoughtful observers know, as an example, that an Armenian entrepreneur,  from Armenia or from the Diaspora, has no chance to defend his rights  fairly if he is confronted with an adversarial dispute with one of the  oligarchic clans that reign over the economy.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">As a result of a total mistrust in the institutions and  indifference to political life, citizens developed a survival reflex  that is deeply individualistic and materialistic. These injustices and  disparities generate individual and collective violence. The small size  of the country adds to the political, economic and social pressures as  well as fears of violence, especially in the provinces. The individual  prefers to negotiate rather than confront. Human life has a price in  prosecutors\u2019 offices, even if this subject is taboo in Armenia. This  observation is certainly dark but it is reality. And finally, there is  the issue of emigration.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">International aid does not solve corruption, but on the contrary,  in its current form, feeds it. Tens of millions of dollars and euros  are being invested unabated in justice reforms, human rights training  and the establishment of the rule of law, by USAID and EUROPAID, did not  help reversing the trend but just enrich Armenian civil servants and  some offshore consulting companies under the tolerant eye of these  international institutions.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Create National Cohesion to Better Deal with External Threats<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The recent speeches of the Armenian Foreign Minister and  President before the UN and European Assemblies promoting human rights  principles are noteworthy and laudable, but what about their effective  application in Armenia itself?<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">There is no alternative to the establishment of the rule of law  in Armenia and the restoration of the sovereignty of the people. It is a  small state, without energy resources, heavily indebted, without  prospects for economic development at the current rate of emigration.  Armenia is under the influence of the great powers; the question of  Nagorno-Karabakh and its latent conflict is weighing on its diplomatic  relations and on foreign investments. It is the vital interest of the  Republic of Armenia to mobilize and hold together its citizens and the  Diaspora around a democratic, just and sovereign society project.  Domestic peace, based on values to which the whole nation adheres, is  the unique remedy to economic welfare and effective ability to counter  external threats.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Successive country leaders failed in this mission for different  reasons and circumstances. Today it is no longer possible to ignore it.  The organizations of the diaspora as well as some personalities selected  as interfaces by the Armenian government turn a blind eye, hiding  behind the principle of non-interference in the domestic politics of  Armenia. We also witness indifference, complacency and even complicity,  not to mention the personal interests of some.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The good will of associations and individuals in the diaspora,  who engage selflessly, without waiting for any reward of their actions,  is not questioned, but those people must face the obvious: bright  projects and good intentions are not enough to stem the emigration of  the population.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The actions of the commando group Sasna Tzrer and its deadly  results are in itself regrettable [the circumstances of the deaths of  the three police officers are still unclear], it is nonetheless  understandable. It was an expression of rebellion, although one may  question if the undefined criteria of tyranny and oppression were met or  not. Armenians of the diaspora who have allowed themselves to judge  these men, many of whom are veterans or heroes of the Karabakh war, had  absolutely no right to do so; only the people living in Armenia can  express themselves on this subject and they did it either by expressing  their sympathy or by keeping quiet for the majority. The repression of  the government was all the more strong and arbitrary against the  political leaders of this movement and its supporters.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Remarkably, the murderers of March 1, 2008 demonstrators have  still not been arrested and the commissioners of the attack on  parliament on October 27, 1999 were never brought to justice. Meanwhile,  the public prosecutor demands that Jirayr Sefilyan, Garo Yeghnukian,  Gevorg Safarian, be prosecuted, seeking long prison sentences for their  vehement criticism of the regime and their desire to put an end to it by  organizing mass protests in 2015 or resisting the police (Safarian  case).<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Whichever scenario is to be played in April, this article is an  appeal to the current and future leaders of Armenia and to all political  forces to reconsider the mode of governance, to bring new political  leadership from inside and outside Armenia, and to free, on the occasion  of the implementation of the new constitution, all political prisoners.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><em>(Philippe Raffi Kalfayan is a regular columnist for the  Mirror-Spectator. He is an international legal expert, the former  secretary general of the International Federation for Human Rights  (FIDH), an associate researcher at the Paris Human Rights Center at the  University of Paris 2 Pantheon Assas.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><a href=\"https:\/\/mirrorspectator.com\/2018\/03\/15\/new-constitution-the-promised-democracy-is-yet-another-defeat\/\" target=\"_blank\"><em>https:\/\/mirrorspectator.com<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><em><br \/>\n<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By Philippe Raffi Kalfayan Recent news from Armenia is rather distressing. We witnessed the selection of a single candidate and his election as President of the Republic of Armenia by&hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-29293","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29293","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=29293"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29293\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":29295,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29293\/revisions\/29295"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=29293"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=29293"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/norkhosq.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=29293"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}